முசபர்நகர் கலவரம் – பெண்களை மானபங்கம் செய்தல், அரசியல் கூட்டு சதி, ஊடகங்களின் மறைப்பு முறை (1)

முசபர்நகர் கலவரம் – பெண்களை மானபங்கம் செய்தல், அரசியல் கூட்டு சதி, ஊடகங்களின் மறைப்பு முறை (1)

சாதாரண  “ஈவ்-டீசிங்”  சண்டையில்  (பெட்டி மேட்டர்)  இருவர்  /  மூவர்  கொல்லப்பட்டனர்  என்று  ஆங்கில  ஏடுகள்  விவரிக்கின்றன: ஒருபக்கம் பாலியல் பலாத்காரம் செய்தவனை தூக்கில் போடுங்கள் என்று பெண்கள் முழக்கம் இடுகிறார்கள், போராட்டம் நடத்துகிறார்கள். மறுபக்கம் இப்படி (அதாவது, முசபர்நகர் விசயத்தில்) “ஈவ்-டீசிங்” என்பது சாதாரண விசயம் என்கிறார்கள். ஆனால், எந்த பெண்ணியக்கமும், வீராங்கனைகளும், தேசிய பெண்கள் ஆணையம் முதலியன தூங்கிக் கொண்டிருக்கின்றன. ஒன்றும் புரியவில்லையே? தில்லியில், மும்பையில் நடந்தால் அத்தகைய பெரிய குற்றமாகிறது, ஆனால், முசபர்நகரில் நடந்தால் சாதாரணமாகி விடுகிறாதா? பிறகு மூவர் கொல்லப்படுவதும் சாதாரணமான விசயமா? படிப்பவர்களுக்கு புத்தியில்லையா அல்லது சொல்பவர்களுக்கு அறிவில்லையா? உண்மையினை, உண்மையாக சொல்வதற்கு ஊடகங்கள் ஏன் பாரபட்சம் காட்டுகின்றன?

முசபர்நகர்  கவரத்தில்  இரு  பெண்கள்  பலாத்காரம்  /  மானபங்கம்: பாதிக்கப்பட்ட பெண், ஏற்கெனவே மஞ்சில் சைனி என்ற பெண் போலீஸ் அதிகாரியிடம், ஒரு முஸ்லிம் இளைஞன் தன்னை தொந்தரவு செய்கிறான் என்று புகார் கொடுத்துள்ளாள், ஆனால், அந்த அதிகாரி எந்த நடவடிக்கையினையும் எடுக்கவில்லை. சென்ற மாதம் துர்கா சக்தி நாக்பால் என்ற அதிகாரி, விசயமே இல்லாததற்கு பதவி நீக்கமே செய்யப் பட்டிருக்கிறார். அதாவது, முஸ்லிம் சம்ப்பந்தப் பட்டால், எந்த நடவடிக்கையும் எடுக்கக் கூடாது, எடுத்தால் அக்கதிதான் ஏற்படும் என்று அறிவுருத்தப்பட்டுள்ளது. இருப்பினும், ஒரு இளம் பெண் பாலியல் ரீதியில் தொந்தரவு செய்யப்படுகிறாள் எனும் போது, ஏன் நடவடிக்கை எடுக்கப்படவில்லை என்பதுதான் கேள்வி. மேலும் அச்சு-ஊடகங்கள் இச்செய்தியை வெளியிட்டாலும், டிவி-ஊடகங்கள் மௌனம் காத்தன. தில்லி-மும்பை போல ஆர்பாட்டம் செய்யவில்லை. எனெனில் இங்குள்ள பெண் விசயம் அவர்களுக்கு ஆகவில்லை அல்லது சம்பந்தப்பட்ட ஆண் முஸ்லிமாக இருக்கிறான் என்று அடங்கிவிட்டனர் என்றாகிறது. திருச்சி விசயத்திலும், முஸ்லிம் பெண்ணை கூட்டிச் சென்றவன், அவளது காதலன் மற்றும் அந்த காதலன் ஒரு முஸ்லிம் என்றதும், விசயத்தை அப்பட்டியே அமுக்கிவிட்டனர். தேசிய-பல்நாட்டு டிவி-ஊடகங்கள் கண்டுகொள்லவில்லை.

ஜாதிகலவரமா,  மதக்கலவரமா – இப்படி கேட்கிறார்கள்: வழக்கம் போல, மத்திய-மாநில அரசுகள், ஊடகங்கள் உண்மை நிலையை மறைக்க முயற்ச்சி செய்வது தெரிகிறது. தமிழ் ஊடகங்கள் உண்மை என்ன என்பது கூட அறியாமல், முசபர்நகரில் ஜாதி கலவரம் நடக்கின்றது[1] என்று செய்திகளை வெளியிட்டுள்ளனர். ஜாதி கலவரம் என்றால், ஏன் அகிலேஷ் முஸ்லிம் தொப்பிப் போட்டுக் கொண்டு அலைகிறார்? திடீரென்று அப்பா முல்லாயம் வந்து வக்காலத்து வாங்குகிறார்? ஆனால், வழக்கம் போல இந்துக்கள்-முஸ்லிம்கள் என்று குறிப்பிடாமல் செய்திகள் வந்து கொண்டிருக்கின்றன.

சமூக  ஊடகங்களை  ஊக்குவித்து  வருபவர்கள்  அவற்றைக்  குற்றஞ்சாட்டுவது: உதாரணத்திற்கு, “தி ஹிந்து” எப்படி “சோசியல் மீடியா” துஷ்பிரயோகம் செய்யப்படுகிறது என்பதை இவ்விசயத்தில் பிரத்யேகமாக விளக்கியிருக்கிறது[2]. ஆனால், புத்தகயா குண்டுவெடிப்பின் போது அவ்வாறு செய்யவில்லை. இங்குதான் அந்த ஊடக பாரபட்சம் வெளிப்படுகிறது. என்.டி.டிவி-தி ஹிந்து, இவ்விசயத்திற்கு அதிக முக்கியத்துவம் கொடுத்து, தினமும் நிகழ்ச்சிகளே ஒளிபரப்பி வருகின்றன. ஆகவே, இவை அத்தகைய சார்புடைய கொள்கையைப் பின்பற்றுவது, வாசகர்களை ஏமாற்றுவதாகும். கீழ்கண்ட தலைப்புகளினின்றே, அது ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட அரசியல் கட்சியை எதிர்க்கிறது மற்றும் ஆதரிக்கின்றது என்று தெரிகிறது. இது ஏன்?

New media presents scope for misuse: Tewari SEPTEMBER 10, 2013

Similarities in communal violence in Akhilesh regimeSEPTEMBER 11, 2013

FIR against several BJP leaders; death toll up to 33 SEPTEMBER 9, 2013

Where Sangh spins narratives of victimhood, belligerenceSEPTEMBER 11, 2013

Riot victims recount tales of terrorSEPTEMBER 9, 2013

MHA calls for more forces to be deployedSEPTEMBER 9, 2013

Manmohan calls up Akhilesh, conveys concernSEPTEMBER 9, 2013

SC declines to entertain plea on Muzaffarnagar riotSEPTEMBER 9, 2013

Mayawati sees SP-BJP conspiracySEPTEMBER 9, 2013

Centre offers to send more forces to Uttar PradeshSEPTEMBER 9, 2013

SP, BJP behind Muzaffarnagar violence: TiwariSEPTEMBER 9, 2013

Left parties accuse UP government of ‘lax’ attitudeSEPTEMBER 9, 2013

காங்கிரஸ் கட்சியின் திக்விஜய் சிங்கே டுவிட்டரில் கண்டபடி பொய்களை பரப்பி வருகிறார், என்பது படிப்பவர்களுக்கு நன்றகவே தெரியும். ஆனால், இந்நேரத்தில் மணீஸ் திவாரி ““சோசியல் மீடியா” துஷ்பிரயோகம் செய்யப்படுகிறது” என்று சொல்கிறார் என்று “தி ஹிந்து” செய்தி போட்டிருப்பது வேடிக்கையாக இருக்கிறது[3]. பிறகு, இவர் ஏன் திக்விஜய் சிங்கைக் கட்டுப்படுத்துவது இல்லை? பெங்களூரு குண்டுவெடிப்பு பிஜேபிக்கு சாதகமாக இருக்கும் என்று அந்த காங்கிரஸ்-முஸ்லிம்-தலைவர்- முகமது ஷகீல் டுவிட்டரில் போட்டபோதும் கண்டுகொள்ளவில்லை. அப்படியென்றால், காங்கிரஸ் திட்டமிட்டே இப்படி செய்து வருகின்றது என்றாகிறது. ஊடகங்களும் அவ்வாறே இருக்கின்றன.

வேதபிரகாஷ்

© 12-09-2013


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6 பதில்கள் to “முசபர்நகர் கலவரம் – பெண்களை மானபங்கம் செய்தல், அரசியல் கூட்டு சதி, ஊடகங்களின் மறைப்பு முறை (1)”

  1. vedaprakash Says:

    ‘Mulayam hits with one hand, soothes with the other’ – PRASHANT JHA
    http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/mulayam-hits-with-one-hand-soothes-with-the-other/article5118199.ece?ref=relatedNews

    Muzaffarnagar Muslims furious with the Samajwadi Party for allowing August 27 incident to escalate

    When the curfew was relaxed in Muzaffarnagar town for a few hours on Tuesday evening, Khalapar sprung to life. Men cycled past, young boys began playing on the streets, dozens walked into the mosque, small groups formed almost immediately, engaged in animated discussions.

    But the energy could not hide the scars. A cobbler, sitting in a corner, said he had not eaten for two days because the riots had left him with no income. Three big police trucks were parked right at the crossing. A newly-appointed SSP marched through Khalapar, considered among the most sensitive of spots in the town. IBN7 journalist Rajesh Verma was killed in the violence that erupted here on Saturday evening.

    Sitting outside, Inam Elahi Sabri ‘Pahalwan’, a Muslim elder, was seething. Mr. Sabri said he was “close” to Mulayam Singh. “I have spent eight days at his home in Safai. I forced the entire qaum in this area to vote for SP. And look, this is what they gave us,” he said, surveying the street. “It is the biggest dhoka [betrayal].”

    Mr. Sabri’s anger illuminates west U.P.’s startling political paradox. Large sections of non-Muslims — a Sikh hotelier in Saharanpur, a Jain trader in Meerut, a secular Hindu activist with a civil society organisation, activists of Rashtriya Lok Dal and even Congress, besides the BJP — argue that the SP had been “partial” towards Muslims. But Muslims themselves are furious with Mulayam and Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav. “We have seen through the game. Enough is enough,” Mr. Sabri’s son, Dilshad, said.

    Shahid Hassan was the polling agent for the SP MLA from the area, Chitranjan Swaroop. He told The Hindu: “Muslims did everything to get this sarkar elected. But the community cannot tolerate the party now.” When asked about SP’s failures, which has riled them so much, Mr. Hassan points out: “The clash between the boys on August 27 was a minor incident, but it was allowed to escalate.”

    Questions then fly, giving a glimpse into the Muslim narrative of the incidents of the past week. Why did the government not arrest the culprits right then and finish off the matter? Why was the district administration “lenient with Jats” when they organised a panchayat on August 31? Most crucially, why did they allow the ‘mahapanchayat’ to take place on September 7 even though such gatherings were prohibited? Why did they allow Hindus to go armed with illegal weapons? Why were provocative speeches allowed? Why did Lucknow not listen to the Intelligence Bureau and the district administration’s inputs, warning that allowing a mass meeting could lead to trouble? Why were panchayat participants asked to go through a route that had minority settlements? Why were Muslim boys picked up and arrested even though violence was from the other side?

    Noor Elahi, a local religious figure, says: “Mulayam Singh hits us with one hand, then soothes with another. His politics is based on creating insecurity. SP thinks that only when Muslims are afraid, they will come to the party.” Shahzad Siddiqui, an entrepreneur who has close ties with the SP and is even a contractor for the Safai Mahotsav organised in the SP supremo’s home district, chips in: “This is his illusion. We will shatter it this time.”

    Breach in contract

    Muslim support for the SP, like with Lalu Prasad in Bihar in the past, is based on a key premise: security in return for votes. This contract now stands breached. The administration has not revealed the religious identities of those killed. But while more Hindus are understood to have been at the receiving end on Saturday, Muslims have borne the brunt of the violence since then.

    Displacement has been massive, with Muslims fleeing Jat-dominated villages in thousands and congregating in police stations, Muslim-dominated villages, at relatives’ homes, in madrasas and mosques, and at private farms of well-wishers.

    Shandar Gufran, a local activist who works on minority issues, says the “geography of west U.P.” will change. “The refugees cannot and are not going back because they are scared. From mixed villages, we may end up seeing separate villages on either side of the road in certain parts of the district.”

    This is corroborated by Wajid Chowdhury, the State general secretary of RLD who has given refuge to some Muslims in his village. He told The Hindu: “I would put the number of displaced at 10,000-15,000. No one wants to return. Unless they are given assurances by the Jats of the village — who beat them, who killed their relatives, who confiscated their property — that nothing will happen now, how can they go back?”

    Many observers suggest that the SP thought that it could allow tensions to escalate up to a point, and then control the situation telling Muslims that it was with them. But it has backfired. The elderly Mr. Sabri says: “BJP is better than this. You know where they stand. SP’s dual faced politics is worse. Mulayam wants to create a Gujarat here.”

    Mr. Gufran, the activist, says that Mulayam Singh is in the 90s mode, even though Muslims have moved on. “SP thinks it can scare us into voting for them. But there are two changes. Muslims today in many pockets are financially in a much-better position than they were 20 years ago. This gives them confidence. And two, Muslims care about development, law and order, electricity, jobs, education. SP has failed on all these fronts. We don’t want Modi, but we have other options.” About a dozen Muslims in the district who spoke to The Hindu indicated they would vote for Congress in 2014, and for Mayawati in the Assembly polls if it were held now.

    But whether the fury of Muslims in riot-hit areas would extend across the state is to be seen.

    In Darul Uloom Deoband, teachers are critical of the SP, but felt the government was doing its best. Tari Abdul Rauf said: “They did not allow the situation to worsen here even though there were conspiracies. And they are trying hard but Hindus have been incited.” But, Muzaffarnagar’s Muslims say they will spread the message of the SP’s complicity to others in their community. Indeed, the pressure from the ground is having an impact, with Muslim organisations condemning the government and seeking the Chief Minister’s resignation or dismissal.

  2. vedaprakash Says:

    Where Sangh spins narratives of victimhood, belligerence – Prasantha Jha
    http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/where-sangh-spins-narratives-of-victimhood-belligerence/article5113769.ece?ref=relatedNews
    VHP leader sees conspiracy to ‘expand Muslim population, using Hindu girls as machines’

    ‘Love Jehad’ is the new technique, says a grave-looking Chandra Mohan Sharma. But it is a ‘difficult art’, picked only after ‘madrasa-conducted training.’

    “First, good-looking Muslim men are identified. They are given neutral names like Sonu and Raju.” These boys, Mr. Sharma says, are then given jeans, t-shirts, mobiles, and bikes and taught to behave. “They stand in front of schools and colleges and woo young Hindu girls. The first few times, our girls snub them.” But then, he says resignedly, they fall for it. “This jehad is about pyar se fasana – entrapment through love.”

    The bespectacled joint general-secretary of the Meerut division of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), ‘which covers all of western U.P.’, he points out with a wee bit of pride, is wearing a grey safari-suit. We are sitting in a small office next to the Khatauli railway station, off the main highway, in Muzaffarnagar district late on Tuesday afternoon.

    BEING THE PROTECTOR

    “Look at police records. Out of 100 girls who elope, 95 are Hindus who go with Muslim men. It is rare that Hindu boys get Muslim girls.” This, the VHP leader says conclusively, is proof of a conspiracy to ‘expand Muslim population, using Hindu girls as machines. We need to protect the honour of our daughters, bahu aur beti’.

    Ignore this as meaningless rant at your own peril, for Mr. Sharma was at the “mahapanchayat” on Saturday. The protection of ‘our women’ was the common theme in many speeches, as video recordings of the event, shown to The Hindu, reveal. There is now recognition that this event added to the agitational mood, added to the insecurity, and eventually led to clashes and violence.

    “On August 27, a Muslim boy teased a Hindu girl,” Mr. Sharma resumes, “and that is the root of the tensions. Tell me, which brother can accept this?” While this is now a widely accepted version of the trigger for the violence, Muslim elders in Muzaffarnagar town dispute it and insist that it was motor-cycles colliding that provoked the initial fight between young men. The fight was later given a communal colour.

    Playing the victim

    The patriarchal narrative, which dominates conversations with Hindu extremists across towns of western U.P, is then seamlessly linked to the narrative of victimhood.

    A narrow alley off the Surajkund Road in Meerut leads up to the Bharat Mata Mandir. On the first floor lives Sudarshan, VHP’s regional organisation secretary. It is early morning. A plump man, he first reads the local editions of Dainik Jagran and Amar Ujala, puts up news clippings on his Facebook page, brushes his beard with a comb after a bath, and then turns to have a conversation.

    “At each instance, this government has batted for Muslims. In the first FIR, why were parents of the Hindu boys who were killed named as culprits? They were not even present. Our simple demands were unheard,” he says.

    Mr. Sudarshan insinuates that when Muslims ‘first attacked’ Hindus after the panchayat, the latter had sought police protection but were rebuffed. He reels off six incidents from the neighbouring Shamli district, where he alleged that a Muslim police official was ‘partial.’ “He even said he was a Muslim first and an IPS later. The government – led by Azam Khan – patronises such people.”

    Balraj Singh, Bajrang Dal’s U.P. chief, says there is a ‘deeper conspiracy.’

    “Like in Kashmir, Muslims want to take over the State. They want to take over Hindu property, and Hindu women through love jehad,” he says.

    With the State government asserting that Hindu extremists had circulated a fake video to depict the August 27 incident in order to inflame Hindu passions, Mr. Singh turns it around. “Muslims had circulated it because they wanted to spread panic, fear, so that like Kashmiri Pandits, we would leave our homes.”

    Politics of aggression

    Mr. Sudarshan says that what happened after the mahapanchayat “was a Godhra.” “And what has happened after that is the reaction on the lines of post-Godhra in Gujarat. Hindus did not sit back.” The Bajrang Dal leader, who has traces of a red tika on his forehead, then says, “Victory will be ours. The Sangh’s work is to unite Hindus, to protect our temples, women, cows, Ganga, our religion.”

    Reminiscent of Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s speech in Goa in 2002, soon after the Gujarat riots, where the then Prime Minister had said Muslims tend ‘not to live in coexistence with others,’ Mr. Singh said, “If out of 10 people, I have fights with eight, the problem is with me. Why is it that Muslims fight with Jats, Gujjars, Dalits, Brahmans, Thakurs, and Kuswahas? Why can’t they live in peace?”

    But it is here, with the reference to castes, that the politics behind the riots slowly reveals itself.

    One Sangh activist, who insisted on being anonymous, told The Hindu, “For the first time, Jats and Muslims are fighting each other. This is a great achievement. Jats have begun thinking like Hindus first. If more Hindu castes fight with Muslims, it will be better for us. BJP will benefit.” Muslims, this activist added, needed to be ‘taught a lesson, for they thought they ruled U.P. under Mulayam.’

    Mr. Singh offers a candid take. ‘To save your caste, you have to save your religion first. This message has gone out. This has happened for the first time in many years.”

    But while the broader Sangh Parivar is keen to project itself as the protector of Hindus in general, and Jats in particular, against Muslims, they are ambivalent about taking full credit, perhaps in a bid to escape culpability.

    Mr. Sharma in Khatauli says, “It is natural that we are involved since we talk about Hindu rights. But the Sangh does not have shakhas in all villages in the district; our organisation is weak. This is a spontaneous upsurge.” Other political leaders, however, rubbish the suggestion that over a lakh could congregate for a meeting without organisational support.

  3. vedaprakash Says:

    Similarities in communal violence in Akhilesh regime – Omar Rashid
    http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/similarities-in-communal-violence-in-akhilesh-regime/article5113637.ece?ref=relatedNews

    The sequence of events leading to the communal violence in Muzaffarnagar, which has claimed over 30 lives so far, has marked similarities with other such major incidents that had taken place in Uttar Pradesh under the Samajwadi Party government.

    Over 20 incidents of communal violence have taken place in the State since Akhilesh Yadav became Chief Minister in 2012.

    EVE-TEASING, RAPE AS TRIGGERS

    Just like in Muzaffarnagar, the communal violence in Faizabad during the Durga Puja procession in October last was reportedly triggered by an eve-teasing incident.

    However, till date no FIR has been lodged against it, inviting doubts on the authenticity of the claim. Significantly, a one-man inquiry committee under the Press Council of India concluded that the Faizabad incident was “well-planned” and blamed the administration of laxity.

    Dr. Anil Singh, a Faizabad resident who has been following the case, says the eve- teasing case was “planted” and purposefully given communal colour.

    In Pratapgarh, where around 50 houses of the minority community were razed in Asthan village in June last year, the alleged trigger point was the gang rape of a Dalit girl. The accused, four youths, belonged to the minority community.

    An inquiry report by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties and other organisations, available with The Hindu, has questioned the claim and termed the sequence of arson and violence “planned” and “organised.”

    Role of political leaders

    In Muzaffarnagar, FIRs have been lodged against several Bharatiya Janata Party MLAs in connection with Saturday’s “mahapanchayat.”

    Similarly, in Faizabad, FIRs were lodged against several BJP leaders for inciting violence. There were also various reports of alleged hate-speeches and communally inciting sloganeering in the days building up to the violence.

    Togadia’s visit

    The Pratapgarh incident too was surrounded by the controversial visit of Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Pravin Togadia to the affected village. The name of Kunda MLA Raghuraj Pratap Singh alias Raja Bhaiyya had also surfaced in connection to the incident.

    The role of media has been questioned in all three cases. As an August 20, 2012 report in The Hindu says, a Hindi daily erroneously noted that the accused in the gang rape in Pratapgarh were freed by police when they were actually in the lock-up. This, according to locals, became the trigger for the mob to unleash violence.

    In the Faizabad violence too, the Press Council of India termed the local media reporting of falling short on secular credentials.

    Now, in Muzaffarnagar, a fake video that was circulated in social media is blamed for aggravating the violence. The snapshots of the video, which show the lynching of two youths, appeared in local dailies.

    While this was erroneously shown as a local incident, the original video has been sourced to an incident in Pakistan in 2010.

    Role of ‘outsiders’

    The role of outsiders in the arson and violence has also been suspected in all three cases. While the police initially arrested 23 locals belonging to the Dalit community for the violence in Pratapgarh, the PUCL report notes that locals claimed that “the attackers came from outside.”

    In Muzaffarnagar too, various television and print reports have indicated the role of outsiders. A large number of people are said to have entered the district to attend the mahapanchayat.

    In Faizabad, eyewitness accounts, as reported by The Hindu then, point to the role of outsiders in the violence and arson.

  4. “உள்ளேயிருக்கும் கதை: முசபர்நகர் கலவரங்கள் முதல் யாக்கூப் மேனன் தூக்கு வரை – எல்லாமே ரோஹித் வ Says:

    […] [8] https://secularsim.wordpress.com/2013/09/12/muzaffarnagar-molestation-political-gameplan-rioting-sup… […]

  5. “உள்ளேயிருக்கும் கதை: முசபர்நகர் கலவரங்கள் முதல் யாக்கூப் மேனன் தூக்கு வரை – எல்லாமே ரோஹித் வ Says:

    […] [8] https://secularsim.wordpress.com/2013/09/12/muzaffarnagar-molestation-political-gameplan-rioting-sup… […]

  6. “உள்ளேயிருக்கும் கதை: முசபர்நகர் கலவரங்கள் முதல் யாக்கூப் மேனன் தூக்கு வரை – எல்லாமே ரோஹித் வ Says:

    […] [8] https://secularsim.wordpress.com/2013/09/12/muzaffarnagar-molestation-political-gameplan-rioting-sup… […]

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